Van Pelt-Dietrich Classics Resource Room: Journal Articles

The sanctuary of Apollo at Delphoi is conspicuously absent from the literary and epigraphic record between the death of Alexander in 323 B.C. and the Gallic invasion of 279. The lack of evidence may indicate that the Delphic Amphiktyony was relatively inactive in this uncertain and turbulent period.

Thucydides understood a ten-day armistice to mean one that was renewed every ten days, not one that lasted only ten days and was terminable at ten days' notice by either side. This interpretation has important implications for understanding the nature and role of diplomatic relations in the late 5th cent. B.C.

Bei dem in der Inschrift SEG 17, 230 während des Archontats des Sarpadon Geehrten handelt es sich um den Makedonen Polyperchon, einen Vertrauten Alexanders des Großen. Das Archontat Sarpadons kann in das Jahr 335/334 v. Chr. datiert werden ; aus der Inschrift lassen sich einige Rückschlüsse auf die Politik in Griechenland in der zweiten Hälfte des 4. Jh. v. Chr. ziehen.

Re-examination of Thucydides 6, 54, 6 and the altar to Apollo Pythios (IG I2 761) confirms that the younger Peisistratos was archon in 522/1 B.C, but that he returned to Athens in the 490s when he dedicated the altar.

Study of the names of member city-states, leagues, and individuals that appear on the left lateral face of the Aristoteles Decree stele (IG II2 43), the most important epigraphic source for the Second Athenian League, both to establish the order in which the names were inscribed and to attempt to link the campaigns of Athenian generals recorded in the literature with the appearance of names on the stele. A possible restoration for the name inscribed in line 111 and later erased may be suggested : a contemporary inscription from Athens (Athens, Epigraphical Museum 12821, first published by J. Oliver [=> APh 11, p. 275, 1st title]) points to the Parians, who were also listed on the front of the stone. Thus, the erasure was intended to correct a mistake of repetition.

La violente critique exercée par Polybe vis-à-vis de Timaios, dont il juge la méthode contraire à celle de l'historien, est sans doute subjective et contradictoire ; mais il est difficile d'évaluer les compétences techniques réelles de Timaios en l'absence de textes transmis.

Examination of FGrHist 76 Duris, especially fragments 2, 13, and 69, can clarify the scope of ancient quotation of now-lost authors and illustrate the variety of problems that arise in identifying the boundaries of fragments. (From GRBS).

The city's situation was envisioned by ancient sources as the center of an anvil-head of sorts, attached to the African continent by a peninsular land mass bounded on one side by the southern extent of Lake Mareotis, and on the other by the Abu Qir Lagoon and then the Canopic branch of the Nile. Splaying out along the coast in both directions were ταινίαι, geologically comprised of the first and second carbonate kurkar running on the shore between Taposiris Magna and Canopus and given the ancient toponyms Taposiriac Tainia and Canopic Tainia. The author of the amnesty decree (118 B.C.) must have been familiar with this local Alexandrian meaning of ταινία. The difficult phrase ἀπο τῶν ταινιῶν ἐπι τας ταινίας is a clear reference to traffic moving on land routes related to these ταινίαι, and the plural is explained by the fact that two toponyms containing the word ταινία existed within the χώρα to the east and west.

The Temple of Mars built by Decimus Iunius Brutus Callaicus ca. 133 B.C., now under the Church of San Salvatore ; and the late 2nd-cent. B.C. Temple of Neptune, of which five marble column drums and a Corinthian capital survive, incorporated into the basement wall of the Casa di Lorenzo Manlio - form part of a wider phenomenon of Roman public architecture in white marble that begins at this moment. Scientific provenance analysis leads to the conclusion that the identifiable marble from temples constructed during this period was quarried from Mount Pentelikon. Moreover, within the greater Pentelic quarries there is a consistency to the specific provenance of the marble used for these two temples and probably for a third of similar date. What emerges from the study are the limits of state-driven (public) authority over quarry regions, and the importance of information derived from the background of entrepreneurial (private) trade driven by domestic con

Rome's pre-Imperial circuit walls pose a particular problem of reconstruction: collectively, their 11 km course represents the largest single monument of the early city, but our understanding of this structure is based on an assemblage of several dozen disparate archaeological sites. After tracing the interpretation of these fragments from antiquity to the present, this article examines the literary, topographical and archaeological evidence for the wall's character and date. Ultimately, the non-archaeological data are inconclusive, and the material evidence seems to affirm an early phase (sixth century BC) focused on individual hilltops, rather than encompassing all hills within a full course. Following this logic, I continue to question the presence of a unified circuit wall at Rome prior to the mid-Republic (fourth century BC). A concluding section reviews the historical circumstances in support of this view.

The poem is clearly an elegy. All stylistic arguments point to this conclusion.

La structure est en chiasme, comme il apparaît par trois couples de verbes autour d'un couple central : requiris-nescio ; ces trois couples sont : odi-excrucior, amo-sentio, faciam-fieri. Le sujet et la forme se retrouvent dans le poème XII,172 de l'Anthologie palatine, mais dans un ordre différent. Il revient à Catulle d'avoir uni les deux usages de cruciare-excruciare : celui de l'argot érotique, et celui de la philosophie.

A comparative study of Catullus ii and of poems cxcv and cxcvi in the Anthol. Palat., both by Meleager, in the light of the hymnal form. Catullus iib is a separate poem, perhaps part of a Sparrow Cycle.

Les fragments 609 et 610 Vahlen, qui contiennent chacun une tmèse, ne proviennent pas de comédies, mais de satires.

Note à Ann. I, 50, 6 et 28, 2. La mutinerie de Vetera Castra prit fin le 21 octobre 14 ap. J.C. Le meurtre d'Agrippine aurait été perpétré soit dans la nuit du 24 au 25, soit dans celle du 25 au 26 mars 59.

Il s'agit peut-être d'un écho, d'une imitation ou d'une parodie de Sénèque.

On ne peut admettre aucune des raisons qui prétendent, sur la foi du ms. A, faire de ces vers un monologue de Thyeste. Ils forment au contraire un chant alterné, entre le Chœur et Thyeste, ce qu'indique le ms. E. Le schéma du ms. E appartient bien au texte, celui de A doit être renvoyé à l'apparat critique. Une seule rectification doit être apportée à E, dans la répartition des séquences, par une coupure au milieu du v. 946.

Le Furens va plus loin encore que Phèdre dans sa vue de la vie : le progrès naturel de la société humaine va vers le type de la cité indésirable. Quand cette société a dégénéré au point de ne plus exister en tant que fonction de l'ordo mundi, le vengeur de cet ordre ne peut être qu'aussi violent et répréhensible que ceux qu'il punit. Ainsi il est à son tour punissable. En outre, étant fondamentalement bon, il doit céder à ce qu'il a fait. Il doit comprendre que la virtus animosa qui crée la paix engendre sa propre furor et ne peut ainsi se maintenir en paix, qu'elle va détruire les plus beaux fruits de cet âge d'or qu'il revendique.

The Oedipus is a veiled political commentary in which, through the use of a story pattern which calls for the expulsion of a parricide, Seneca advocates the assassination of Nero.

Zwei Linien durchziehen die Troerinnen : die « Oden-Linie » und die dramatische Linie. In den Chorliedern wird der philosophische Grund gelegt, in den jeweils folgenden Akten werden diese Prinzipien ausgearbeitet. In den Troerinnen geht es um die Auflösung einer Lebensordnung und die Fortsetzung des Lebens in einer neuen Ordnung, ein Problem, das uns auch heute noch anspricht.

The odes motivate, explain, direct the roles, and dictate the depth, principles, and effect of the tragedy.

Reconsideration of certain aspects of the mechanical operation of the cleroterium suggests that the release device for the lots was a pair of transverse spits, not a cup ; that there may have been a receptacle for the lots ; that designation of courtrooms was once part of the process of random selection ; that the lots were spheres, not cubes ; that a rod was used to jostle the lots ; that rejected candidates may have become « watch-dogs » of the process ; that rods, canonides, were used in a identification system separating allotter and allottee ; that the cleroterium was prepared anew each time it was used ; and that the tubes were detached and re-used with successive cleroteria.

L'usage que Sénèque fait des mètres lyriques peut se résumer comme suit : le leitmotiv des parties anapestiques est l'instabilité, souvent l'échec des entreprises de l'homme, la mort ou la destruction, tandis que dans les sapphiques prédomine l'idée d'une puissance surhumaine, dépersonnalisée. Les glyconiens sont utilisés pour l'exaltation et la joie. Discussion de tous ces points dans la dissertation de W. Marx (cf. 8- p. 100).

A discussion of et in Aen. II,49 and semper in Aen. IV,569-570.

Polynices' brawl with Tydeus in book i is parallel in structure, incident, imagery and portrayal of character to the climactic duel between Polynices and Eteocles in book xi.

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À Chypre, le syncrétisme résulte d'une identification entre les deux déesses reines de l'île. En Grèce, par contre, il s'agit d'une orientalisation d'Aphrodite.

Reassessment of Near Eastern and classical evidence for sacred prostitution leaves us with no firsthand accounts of the practice in the classical repertoire. Misrepresentation and confusion played a part in the rise of the sacred prostitution myth, as can be seen from the treatments of Strabo and early church fathers.

On the historiographic implications of Simonides 14 Page, an epigram commemorating a group of women who prayed to Aphrodite on behalf of the Greeks during the Persian invasions. Three slightly varying versions of the epigram have been preserved in three separate texts : a scholion to Pindar's Olympian 13, Pseudo-Plutarch's De malignitate Herodoti 871 A-B, and Athenaeus' Deipnosophistai 13, 573 C-D ; all three versions are accompanied by commentaries explaining the origin of the epigram. The article examines a number of issues : the original sources for the commentaries ; whether the praying was done by the Corinthian women/wives or the city prostitutes ; and why either of these would pray to Aphrodite for help in military matters. The last question holds the key to many of the ambiguities plaguing this poem. Includes discussion of the epigram as evidence for sacred prostitution in Corinth.

Reevaluation of two Greek inscriptions (most recently published by F. Poljakov => 60-09610, nos. 6 and 7) from Tralles dated to the 2nd-3rd cent. A.D. leads to a new interpretation of the role of παλλακαί. The women mentioned on the inscriptions were not sacred prostitutes. As these women provided two of the rare cases where an individual appears to refer to herself as a sacred prostitute, as opposed to women and men of some long-dead or otherwise foreign culture, firsthand accounts of sacred prostitution dwindle to virtually nothing. On the other hand, reevaluation of these inscriptions offers new possibilities for the meaning of the word παλλακή. It may be worth considering the nonsexual roles of Zeus' female cult functionaries in the Roman east, and the nonsexual, nonmarital roles of women in the Greek world.

Passages où le texte de l'édition Loeb diffère de celui de Jan-Mayhoff (Teubner).

Du portrait que l'on peut tracer d'Agrippa à travers les passages de l'Histoire naturelle où il est question de lui, il ressort que Pline le considérait comme le Romain idéal : soldat, homme d'État, savant.

Greek epitaphs are an example of highly constrained speech which relies on the appearance of being free. Many epitaphs involve the idea of exchange : the dead are given a stone marker which affords them a permanent voice in exchange for the inflexibility of what they are able to say. Epitaphs allow the living to discuss the difficult topic of death, and to lay out parameters for their own future epitaphs. Most of the texts discussed focus on the prematurely dead and date mostly from the first few cents. A.D.

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Virgil's phrase can be interpreted as a reaction to Lucretius' concept of labor.

The fear of mockery is prevalent throughout Greek tragedy and expressed by the three tragedians in strikingly similar fashion. The hero believes he has suffered a loss of honor and this is often the force that propels him to the action critical to the tragedy.

The labyrinth depicted in the ecphrasis of the temple doors at Aen. vi, 20-33 symbolizes Aeneas' past labyrinthine wanderings and prefigures his descent to the underworld, his final maze.

At ii, 167-74, Venus is a symbol of natura's creative power of sexual propagation, reconciling Lucretius' invocation to Venus at i, 1-23 with her role throughout iv.

Vergil made a conscious and imaginative choice to imitate Lucretius, and international inversion or polemical allusion is the explanation for the Lucretian character of Aen. 6, 724-751.

A review of some of the most important work appearing in English since 1962 on the Aeneid.

Caesar combined the forms of commentarii and res gestae, raising notetaking in the field to the level of historical writing. His commentaries share many characteristics with the American literary western.

Sceledrus' explanation when he is caught on his master's neighbor's roof is that he is chasing a monkey. This seemingly casual line may provide a key to linking the two sections of this loosely joined play. The miles gloriosus is mimicked, mocked, and finally made a monkey of.

Vergil sanctions the proper display of spolia as a proof of victory but admonishes that spolia must not be worn or used again. Warriors in the Aeneid who use spolia inevitably die.

Roman erotic elegy (e.g., Propertius 2, 15 ; Catullus 86 ; Ovid Amores 1, 5) engages in an elaborate orchestration of the narrative registers of desire and pleasure, choosing strategies of representation that run circles around erotic consummation without ever actually achieving it ; the genre thus prolongs its own existence by evading the moment of bliss or fulfillment.

L'analisi dell'orazione « Pro Marcello » di Cicerone fondata soprattutto sull'esame di sei elementi del discorso - l'alta frequenza di negative e affermazioni di modestia dell'autore, la ricurrenza del tema del « dolor », l'assimilazione tra i personaggi, i riferimenti ai sensi della vista e dell'udito e l'uso dell'iperbole - lascia presupporre che il discorso sia fondato al contempo sul registro della sicerità e dell'ironia, dell'elogio e della condanna, che sia sincero nel suo rifiuto della violenza e della morte come mezzi per liberarsi dalla tirannide cesariana ma allo stesso tempo visionario nel definire le responsabilità dei senatori e di demarcare i confini della potenzialmente illimitata libertà d'azione di Cesare.

Beitrag zu den Ergebnissen des Bandes, die Frage betreffend, ob römische Autoren Rituale produzieren oder reproduzieren.

On : 1) the 20th-cent. critical preoccupation with the representation of the pastoral landscape ; and 2) Vergil's representational technique in the « Eclogues », which are a key component of his poetics of political engagement. In the poems, efforts to name, identify, and settle the land have fragmented and blurring effects on human lives that are shifted, rearranged and ended in the process. As this picture of Arcadia shifts the ground from beneath our feet, it represents not reality, nor any simple mixture of real terms, but the alienation of poetic language from a referential reality that defies easy description.

The theatrical aspects of oratorical performance that were singled out for special note by Philostratus in his « Vitae Sophistarum » and by the sophists themselves in their writings were precisely those mimetic habits most harshly criticized by Roman rhetoricians. The efforts of Polemon, Aelius Aristides in his « Sacred tales », 1-4, and others made a significant contribution to the developing « history of the self » - as described by Michel Foucault (=> 56-11822c) - over the next two centuries.

In contr. 1, 1, Seneca performs a virtuoso exercise in ἐνάργεια (the summoning up of images), concentrating on sensory particulars to enhance his audience's imagination. Although he offers no solution to the presented moral dilemma, Seneca makes the agony of its participants his object of concern. In contr. 1, 4, « the hero without hands », the body is transformed into a spectacle, dramatizing the impact of the agonizing judgements that strip the self of moral and physical resources.

Approaching Latin along the border line dividing the academic humanities from public discourse, this essay explores the possibility of articulating a publicly responsible practice of Latin literary studies. I suggest that the current eclecticism in literary studies well serves the project of democratic criticism at a time when the traditional raison d'etre of the university as the preserver of Euro-American culture is in decline. Next I draw on my current work on the republican tradition in literature and political thought, focusing on translations of Vergil by the 17th-century theorist James Harrington. The study of reception is a crucial part of renewing Latin studies for the new world, I suggest, because it reveals the role of Latin literature in shaping modern conceptions of the political, the aesthetic, and the relation between the two.

This essay, which is adopted from my opening lecture for the "Page and Stage" series in White Plains Public Library (delivered October, 4, 2009), argues through a reading of the first ten words of Homer's Iliad that the poem prompts its to reflect on our core values without entangling ourselves in the passions and paradoxes of contemporary debates.

I distici petroniani ricordano Ou. am. 3, 7, 47-52 e Hor. serm. 2, 1, 98s., ma la situazione è simile a Teles 34, 9-35, 6 H.2.

Discussion of performance issues in Greek tragedy may be broadened by considering the anecdotal evidence concerning two different performances of Sophocles' « Electra », both from the 4th cent. B.C., by two famous tragic actors, Theodorus (as mentioned by Plutarch, Moralia 18 C ; 334 A ; 737 B ; and Aelian 14, 40) and Polus (as mentioned by Aulus Gellius 6, 5). It may be argued that these two actors gave radically different interpretations of the character of Electra, partly due to an approach to performance affected by gender.

On prostitutes and actors in the comedies of Plautus and Terence.

Two witches from Hellenistic poems should be regarded as poet-figures: Simaetha in Theocritus 2 and Apollonius' Medea. The writers use the female voice of the witch to suggest a performance context and authenticity for their work.

The adjective fessus, frequently used to describe the Trojans, is also applicable to Rome's weariness after the civil wars. The corresponding motif of rest symbolizes Rome's desire for peace in the future. The Trojan wanderings thus reflect Rome's own period of transition.

Fonction et signification de l'épisode des Jeux funèbres. Le chant XXIII, qui constitue un élément de contraste voulu avec ce qui précède et ce qui suit, se rattache au reste du poème par plusieurs liens thématiques, ce qui exclut qu'il n'ait pas fait partie dès l'origine de la geste d'Achille.

The pact between Medea and Aegeus, based on the self-interest of both parties, looks back to and reflects the behavior of Jason and Medea as revealed in the first half of the play. The death of children in the second half is symbolically anticipated by Aegeus' childlessness. His chance arrival and surprising self-interested behavior mirrors the opportunism and irrationality of the rest of the play.

The charges of regnum, dominatio, and tyrannis, which designated the despotism of a political enemy, were regularly used in combination with four other words of abuse, vis, superbia, libido, and crudelitas, which represented the most characteristic vices of tyranny. The stereotype of the Greek tyrant, a ruler who used force, threatened his subjects, and demonstrated a propensity for violence, hybris, and rape, became familiar to the Romans through the medium of tragedy. Examples of the use of these terms in political oratory of the late republic, particularly that of Cicero.

While Aeneas' hunting in Aen. I signals him as a civilizer, he becomes a destroyer when he hunts in Aen. IV. Vergil seems to imply throughout the Aeneid that Augustus should control the tendency of conquerors to destroy mindlessly and uselessly.

The stereotype of the tyrant was introduced to Rome from Greece in the theatre and rhetorical exercises. The characteristics of crudelitas, saevitia, vis, superbia, libido, avaritia, and sacrilegia reappear in portraits of tyrants, fictional and historical, in Cicero, Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus. The analyst must determine from independent sources how truly the rhetorical image represents the actual personage.

This article nuances Ross's broad claim for Linus's metapoetic function in the Eclogues to offer the specific suggestion that Vergil discovered in Linus a character whose diverse literary genealogy permitted him to explore the complex interplay of writing and singing in poetic composition. I do not mean to suggest that Vergil's exploration of orality and tex-tuality was confined to poems in which Linus makes an appearance. In fact, as Brian Breed (2006) has persuasively argued in an important study, images of textuality pervade the Eclogues. Rather, I want to posit that, in the figure of Linus, Vergil lit upon a particularly apt, if marginal, figure for articulating a pastoral poetics that encompassed both oral and written modes of composition. For Vergil (and possibly Gallus before him), Linus embodied the symbiosis of Hesiodic song culture and the erudite, 'bookish' poetics of the so-called Alexandrian poets to create a uniquely Vergilian pastoral aesthetic. (From Helios).

Both Suetonius, Iul. 56, 6 and Plutarch, Caes. 17, 7-9 characterize Caesar as an innovator in the history of Latin epistolography. While the testimony of these authors should not be cited as confirmation that Caesar, at least in the 1st cent. A.D., was widely perceived as an epistolary innovator, these accounts ought to caution us from assuming that all post-Ciceronian epistolography treated Cicero as the founder of the genre.

The discernible hostilities in the epistolary exchanges between Augustine and Jerome (e.g., Augustine, Ep. 68, 2 ; 72, 3-5) arise because Augustine refuses to play the « iuuenis » to Jerome's « senex ». On the other side, Ausonius' and Paulinus' careful adherence to the codes of father-son letters (e.g., Paulinus, Ep. 17, 30-41 ; 22, 32-35) allow for a persistent « amicitia » despite apparent tensions.

Symmachus's patronage of Augustine is to be explained as a typical instance of late Roman « amicitia ». Much more important than Augustine's status as a non-Catholic were Symmachus' considerable economic and personal ties to Roman Africa. Perhaps Symmachus took some quiet pleasure in Augustine's status as a non-Catholic Christian ; more likely, though, he had no knowledge of or interest in Augustine's particular brand of Christianity. Seen in this broader context, Symmachus's patronage of Augustine is remarkable only for the fact that the ambitious African became one of the most influential voices in western Christendom.

Vergil depicts most of his characters as young or old. For either category, age is not static but dynamic : old men may become rejuvenated, young men may grow older. The Aeneid is filled with characters who have passed their prime or who have not yet reached it. Only Aeneas is consistently shown as an active vir.

The poem delivered by Agamemnon in the opening fragment of Petronius’
Satyrica contains an allusion to Horace’s Satires that connects the novel
with a nexus of passages where authors deploy river imagery in statements of
literary polemic. Agamemnon’s poem is united with the poet Eumolpus’ stylistic
manifesto by a recurrence of river imagery; once more, allusions to Horace in Eumolpus’ speech open on to histories of rivalry and poetics. These passages
encourage us to follow Petronius’ signals in reading these connected window allusions, enabling Petronius to position himself as a self-conscious heir to literary
traditions in multiple genres. (From the AJPh).

The first book of Horace's « Odes » features a pattern, similar to that of the Parade Odes, in which tree names are introduced without repetition. This pattern is not simply a formal feature but contributes to a motif, which begins in Book 1 but continues into Books 2 and 3, in which the relationship between humans and trees is depicted as a symbol of poetic mastery. By demonstrating his ability to create and arrange a poetic grove, Horace thus announces his command of the lyric genre.

Examen du poème en tant qu'expression artistique, et de ses caractéristiques : structure thématique ; ambiguïté de l'identité du personnage ; coexistence d'une objectivité de l'élégie et de révélations autobiographiques du personnage ; rôle de pivot dans la structure générale de l'œuvre.

Calvinus is a figure for the Juvenal of the previous satires, and the ironic consolation here is a rebuke to him which serves to negate both the morality and poetic approach of the early satires and to indicate the tenor of ensuing ones. Indignatio is abandoned as wasted effort, and passive aloofness is offered as a preferable reaction to unending evil.

The figure of Daedalus is cited twice as a contradiction used for poetic effect. The contradiction is significant for an interpretation of the satire.

Juvenal's effectiveness as a satirist cannot be credited to reference to topical events, since he does not relate many facts about Trajanic or Hadrianic society. His reaction to the Roman imagination is contemporary. Juvenal exploits earlier literature, moral philosophy, Greek mythology, and rhetoric to the point where we cannot take them seriously any longer.

The two parts of the satire, invective against the aristocrats and morality advocated by the satirist himself, both contribute to Juvenal's attack on aristocratic pride in the stemmata. In saying not that the contemporary nobles are curable but that they pursue the wrong ideals, he makes both a positive and a negative moral statement in the satire, and both kinds of statements are essential to the structure of the poem.

The major themes of satire III are the worthlessness of honesty, foreigners, poverty, dangers of the city, crowding and traffic, and crime. The prologue foreshadows all these major themes. The repetition of key words and images from the prologue in the body of the satire gives the work its coherent poetic structure.

Seneca thought more keenly and more deeply than most of his contemporaries about Cicero. His unfavorable opinion is clearly at odds with the majority judgement of his time.

The importance of Athenaeus as a source for Hellenistic Greek historians calls for detailed study of his method of citing these lost authors. Study of Athenaeus' testimony concerning the downfall of Archaic Sybaris through luxury and excess shows that certain phrases, sentence-patterns and even trains of thought can be reliably identified as belonging to Athenaeus rather than the cited authority. This discovery entails surprising results : traditions ascribing the destruction of Sybaris to morally corrosive luxury are late and of little historical value. More generally, the debilitating effects of luxury cannot serve as an exemplum supporting the claim that Hellenistic writers tended to explain historical events through moral causes ; apparent evidence for this causal nexus is better assigned to Athenaeus than to the historians he names. In view of these conclusions, a cautious reassessment of all Athenaeus' testimony on fragmentary historians is appropriate.

The transmitted text τῶν περι θόαντα και Δαμασήνορα τυράννων καταλυθέντων preserves Plutarch's words and should not be altered. The passage either refers to an extended tyranny held by several men in succession or indicates an oligarchy.

The state of evidence does not allow the establishment of the position that the idea of pernicious luxury, by which τρυφή produces satiety (κόρος), which in turn provokes ὕβρις, was in any way important to the organization of the Περι Βίων. Since all texts pertaining to the representation of τρυφή in the Περι Βίων come from Athenaeus, one must disentangle the material in the « Deipnosophistae » ascribable to the original author from Athenaeus' own contributions. As it happens, the relevant moralizing themes come from introductory and transitional passages which are unlikely to be Clearchus' own. The idea (binding together acts both effeminate and hubristic) and the language of these literary themes would be anachronistic for Clearchus. The pattern cannot be attested before the 1st cent. BC.

The current view about the construction οἱ περί + acc. « nominis proprii » is subject to doubt. The most thorough investigation of the phrase maintains that in narrative prose of the Hellenistic and Roman period the periphrastic use (i.e., οἱ περί τινα as the equivalent of the proper name alone) is common when it governs two or more names, but unevidenced if the preposition has only one object. The pattern is said to have been already fully formed when it first appeared in the « Histories » of Polybius. The evidence from that author, however, does not support this view. Each of the passages offered as clear examples of periphrasis admits of a more plausible interpretation. There is no certain instance of periphrastic οἱ περί τινα in the « Histories », the work with which this idiom is perhaps most closely identified.

In Auseinandersetzung mit den Ausführungen S. Radts (=> 59-05245) wird gezeigt, dass sich keine Kriterien festlegen lassen, nach denen der Ausdruck οἱ περί τινα bei Strabon exklusiv oder inklusiv zu verstehen ist. Den periphrastischen Gebrauch der Wendung scheint Strabon überhaupt nicht gekannt zu haben.

Aristoteles' Bezeichnung des Hippodamos als desjenigen, ὁς την τῶν πόλεων διαίρεσιν εὗρε, spricht nicht von dem Erfinder oder Neuerer der Städteplanung ; es ist vielmehr die politische Theorie des Hippodamos gemeint, nach der Städte nach Bürgerklassen und Landtypen eingeteilt werden sollten.

Lucan draws upon the literary tradition of epic but removes the individual heroes and concentrates instead on the themes of anonymity and nonrecognition (3, 758-761 ; 7, 552-555 ; 617-631), weapon and wound (3, 509-762), and the pollution of kindred blood (4, 511). The only true hero is Cato.

Attention to the thematic, rather than the verbal, pattern of borrowings from Vergil done by the Ciris poet leads to the identification of a previously-unobserved imitation of a famous passage from the Aeneid (Aen. 9, 433-435 imitated by Ciris 387 and 449).

Il problema dell'appartenenza etnica nel cristianesimo è investigato all'interno della letteratura apoftegmatica e dell'agiografia monastica del 4° e 5° sec. e in particolare della « Vita di Antonio » di Atanasio, il cui protagonista si spoglia di qualsiasi connotato etnico per trasformarsi nel modello del cristiano per eccellenza.

In the preface to the « Oneirocritica », Artemidorus assumes a range of identities that are distinct from his primary role as a specialist dream-interpreter, including those of warrior, researcher, traveler and doctor. By adopting these supplementary roles, Artemidorus is better able to assert his superiority over his rivals as an authority on dream-divination. Specifically, these identities give dramatic flair to this rivalry and advertise Artemidorus' excellence in a persuasive fashion. They also alert the reader to points of connection between dream-divination and a more general set of academic skills and disciplines, putting Artemidorus' divinatory competence on a more stable footing.

Examination of Artemidorus' explicit statements about travel and, in particular, the metaphorical connections he establishes between travel and its associated dream-images in his catalogue enables us to reconstruct what he sees as the meanings of travel. In general, he associates travel with the breaking of the literal and the figurative boundary of the homeland. This is valued both positively and negatively, as the boundary is conceived of as both a hindrance and a protective barrier.

Rat's description of Otter's search for his missing son, Portly, in Grahame's The Wind in the Willows contains an allusion to Aeneas' search for his wife, Creusa, in book 2 of Vergil's Aeneid during the final fall of Troy. This reference economically imports a number of elements more appropriate to epic than pastoral literature. The result is a heightened sense of emotion and concern but, ironically, the reinforcement of the boundaries of the idyllic pastoral world. (From Classical World).

Présentation d'un ensemble de 78 nouvelles coupes complétant et corrigeant le catalogue de R. Wachter (=> 74-11083), ainsi que certaines de ses conclusions. Leurs dimensions ne tiennent pas à leurs destinataires ni aux inscriptions qu'elles portent, mais aux préférences de chaque atelier de production.

The career of the blind Stoic Diodotus can be reconstructed from seven references in Cicero, although he is not mentioned elsewehre.

Durant ses vingt premières années, Livie, sous l'influence de son père M. Livius Drusus Claudianus, et de son premier mari Ti. Claudius Nero, acquit un statut social et forgea des relations aristocratiques qui en firent un parti enviable aux yeux d'Octavien, futur Auguste. Ces relations, qui résultèrent d'adoptions stratégiques et de mariages, créèrent des alliances familiales que Livie a entretenues, et peuvent expliquer la montée en puissance des familles Scribonii Libones, Volusii Saturnini ou Saluii Othones dès le début du principat d'Auguste.

In Juvenal's « Satires » the introductory poem of each book is key in establishing tone and theme. In the case of Book 2, however, this scheme cannot apply, as the book consists entirely of the enormous sixth « Satire ». But it can be argued that this poem opens with a generic commentary that offers not only an illustrative angry tone, but a representation of satire that resembles other statements about the genre in Books 1 and 2. This reading of the prologue gives special attention to lines 7-8, where Juvenal contrasts the cave-dwelling women of old with the poetic characters Cynthia and Lesbia. Following a poetic and critical tradition associated with love poetry in particular, Juvenal creates an emblematic satiric body in the cave-woman.

The Satires of Juvenal's 5th book constitute a chapter in the genre's dialogue with philosophy. The parodic « consolatio » (Satire 13) introduces a cynical and erudite speaker who manipulates conventions to create a virtual dramatic exchange. An examination of the rhetorical structure and philosophical influences in the remaining poems reveals a consistent program. Satires 14-16 all have plots derived from themes of philosophical literature : in each case, Juvenal exploits a conflict or ambiguity in his sources to spin his narrative.

Juvenal's narratives that comment on theater and spectacle emphasize the supposedly perverted aspects of contemporary entertainments and their negative impact on Roman culture. Three well-known passages in the « Satures » (1, 155-157 ; 6, 634-638 ; 10, 33-48) show that Juvenal purposely figures his own generic experiments as transgressions in theatrical mode that exceed the dramatic experiments of his predecessors.

In Epistles 1.2, Horace designs his summaries of the Iliad and Odyssey to function as critical exercises for someone who intends to read Homer's epics for moral insight. Horace models two approaches to reading Homer, one insufficiently self-reflective and the other excessively so. With allusions to metapoetically significant episodes in the epics, Horace points out the attractions and pitfalls of the readings he models, and implies that a moral reading of Homer requires a balanced and individualized approach. (From Classical World).

On the documentary and iconographic evidence for the career of Gaius Duilius, cos. 260 B.C., first Roman to celebrate a naval triumph for his victory over the Carthaginians. Topics discussed include Duilius' rostral column, the Duilius elogium (CIL 12, 1, 25 = CIL 6, 1300 = ILS 65), of which a restored text with translation is provided ; Duilius' « praeda » and gifts to the people, and his coinage. By converting actual chunks of captured ships into coinage which he then distributed to the people, Duilius transformed a mundane medium of exchange into a vehicle of propaganda through which his exploits and generosity could be broadcast.

Discussion within a broad social and historical context of two events impacting the « tribuni plebis » that occurred in 75 B.C. : their right to stand for further office, previously interdicted by Sulla, was restored ; and the praetor's tribunal was moved away from areas of tribunician activity.

The conflict between the subjective and narrative modes of representation in Tibullus' poetry generates a master narrative which pits the mood of the poet against the narrative framework of the poetry. A close analysis of 1, 1 allows for an exploration of Tibullus' subjective rhetoric as a form of grammar. Tibullus' narration of the Delia cycle in Bk. 1 shows his consistent resistance to narration of public events, and subordinates his interactions with Delia to functions of subjectivity. The extended address to Hope in the closing poem of the collection (2, 6) comments directly on the process of wishing, and serves as a commentary on one of the dominant projects of Tibullus' poetic program.

On the evidence for the state of the Athenian public water supply during the early Roman period and an appraisal of the changes under Hadrian.

Complicated erotic spells that require expensive ingredients presuppose an intended audience of elite males such as that of the corpus of medical writing. They existed in the context of a society that considered excessive desire to interfere with the proper exercise of power and rationality. Fever is considered most useful for the practioner of erotic magic because it results from the friction of vehement passions and leads to a weakening of control and rationality, thus placing the beloved on a lower level than the lover in the hierarchy of power. It is not simply used in the spells as a metaphor for passion.

The approximately 70 tales of cures of Asklepios cover a wide demographic and geographic range. A survey shows that the collection was formed gradually, rather than composed, and that conceptions of the god differ. The collection is better as a source of the beliefs of ordinary people of the later Classical age than as a source of official sanctuary practice or theology.

The magical formularies of PGM almost all date from late antiquity, but probably represent a long tradition. Analysis of patterns of content and layout might give us some sense of the exemplars from which the large formularies were copied and the levels of transmission they reflect ; through this study it may be possible to learn more about the social, geographical, and temporal contexts in which this material is most usefully understood. Thematic and papyrological features in the 4th-cent.-A.D. PBibl.Nat.Suppl. gr. 574 (PGM 4) suggest that it was copied from an exemplar in a similar form. That exemplar would seem to have been created through the combination of smaller formularies into one.

A reexamination of the evidence for the Megabyzos priesthood in terms of the political changes in and around the city of Ephesos in the 4th cent. B.C. finds a context for the Megabyzos in the religious diplomacy between Ephesos and the Persian satrap capital, Sardis, during the shift from Persian to Macedonian control.

R. Fleischer's argument that the early representations of the elaborated Artemis Ephesia represented not actual breasts but a pectoral garment should be seen in the context of two considerations : 1) the destruction by fire of the Artemision in 356 B.C. and the possibility of a new iconographic form for the replacement statue ; and 2) the later identification of the nurturant and protective Artemis Ephesia with the nursing Isis, with a consequent trend toward more realistic breasts.

Die in den Fasti Praenestini für den 8. 1. 13 n. Chr. aufgeführte Weihung des signum Iustitiae Augustae fand wohl, so ist Ovids Epistulae ex Ponto (2, 1, 25-34 ; 3, 6, 23-26) zu entnehmen, aus Anlass der siegreichen Rückkehr des Tiberius nach Rom statt. Beschlossen wurde der Kult wahrscheinlich am 23. 10. 12 im Zusammenhang mit Tiberius' Triumph. Die Einrichtung eines Iustitita-Kultes ist im Rahmen der augusteischen Propaganda zu sehen, die im Rückgriff auf republikanische Traditionen das Ideal des bellum iustum für sich beanspruchte. Das signum (Statue oder Relief ?) befand sich vielleicht beim Tempel der Bellona.

The dossier of inscriptions from Eresos and Ps.-Demosthenes 17, 7 are direct testimonia for two securely attested tyrannies, the first of which was supported by Philip until his death. The tyrants in gratitude erected altars to Zeus Philippios and entered into the Common Peace of 338 B.C. Alexander removed those tyrants as well as a new set installed in 333, but Philip never supported a democracy at Eresos.

Suetonius recounts two odd episodes that demonstrate the emperor's old-fashioned sternness in exercising military discipline : the revocation of a prefecture and the refusal of a shoe allowance for marines (8, 3). Located in a passage about the restoration of the empire, these stories seem out of place, but their deft mixture of humor and ideology appropriately highlights the contrast between the destructive toll of Julio-Claudian misrule and the rejuvenating effects of Vespasian's regime.

Preliminary results from excavation of tomb of Late Roman date, carried out by the Abila Archaeological Project and Covenant Theological Seminary in St. Louis.

Fouilles jordano-américaines du site d'Abila (auj. Qweilbeh), en Jordanie septentrionale. Secteurs étudiés : la basilique du VIe s., la muraille nord de la cité, la cauea du théâtre, la nécropole (tombes s'échelonnant de l'âge du bronze à l'époque byzantine).

The sober tone of the concluding distich reflects the clarity of Catullus' new understanding of Juventius.

The themes of poverty, sexual longing, and poetic creation are connected in Catullus. Juxtaposition of poem 23 on the impoverished Furius and 24 on Furius' desire for Catullus' Juventius demonstrates how Catullus enacts a sexual and a literary rivalry with the poet Furius Bibaculus.

The interchange of Menaechmi 398-405 is an extended double entendre in which the terms of Menaechmus II's speech are misunderstood by Erotium as sexual metaphors.

Poverty (πενίη) plays a significant role in Hesiod's « Works and Days » (e.g., 320-326 ; 493-499 ; 717-718) and in Theognis' elegies (e.g., 383-392 ; 649-652 ; 1109-1114). The theme is viewed differently by authors who speak from separate levels of society : Hesiod as peasant-farmer and Theognis as aristocrat.

The winter maiden in the Works and Days recalls Pandora and so illustrates the poet's claim in the Theogony that Pandora is the mother of the purely destructive race of women who threaten men's households.

Martial, qui s'inscrit explicitement dans la tradition de Catulle, lui emprunte certains motifs présents dans l'épigramme 23 qui moque les « avantages » de la condition mendiante de Furius. Martial utilise des éléments de la description de Catulle pour brosser à son tour le portrait burlesque de Vacerra, réduit lui aussi à une grande pauvreté et contraint à la mendicité. Mais il fait également évoluer le thème en lui adjoignant une dimension réaliste absente chez Catulle. Martial ne se livre donc pas seulement à un emprunt respectueux, mais il entre directement en compétition avec Catulle à l'occasion du traitement d'un thème épigrammatique banal.

L'analisi stilistica, contenutistica e lessicale della sezione sulle mansioni invernali del contadino nelle Opere (v. 493-563) illustra come, attraverso una fitta trama di rimandi interni ad altri passi dell'opera e in particolare alla sezione sulla navigazione, Esiodo intenda istituire un'analogia fra il mestiere del poeta, quello del marinaio e quello del contadino, la cui vita è dominata dalla povertà, dall'istinto di sopravvivenza e dalla tempestività.

Analisi lessicale dell'ode, al fine di dimostrare come anche la dimensione della natura e della fertilità sia compresa nel messaggio poetico e possa essere intesa come una metafora della concezione poetica dell'autore.

À propos de l'utilisation par Virgile du thème de « la flèche du Parthe », censée causer une blessure inguérissable, examen des liens établis intentionnellement par le poète du point de vue des mots ou des images entre divers passages de son œuvre, notamment entre Buc. 10, 58-61 (passage consacré aux impossibles « remedia amoris » de Gallus) et Aen. 12, 856-859.

Intertextualité chez les poètes latins.

The Vat. Lat. 1801, dated 1452, has on its last leaf a note in Valla's own hand declaring that this codex is « meae translationis archetypus, unde cetera possent exemplaria emendari ». As a result, the Vat. Lat. 1801 is now virtually the only ms. consulted. Yet, despite Valla's authoritative endorsement, its Latin text contains numerous errors in places where the Vat. Lat. 5.VIII.276, dated 1475, provides the correct reading.

L'épisode du manteau volé (Satyr. 12-15) offre un bon exemple de la familiarité de Pétrone avec certains thèmes venus de la diatribe populaire cynique. En particulier, l'examen du poème récité par Ascylte (14, 2) conduit à découvrir une parodie de l'idéal de vie des Cyniques, et la mention des lupins qui suit (14, 3) sert à tourner en dérision l'idéal de frugalité proclamé par ces philosophes. De façon générale, c'est l'hypocrisie de certaines attitudes se réclamant du cynisme que dénonce Pétrone à travers tout cet épisode.

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) made its first appearance in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders in 1980, partly as a result of the ongoing treatment of veterans from the Vietnam War. Although PTSD is not only or even primarily a disorder caused by combat, combat is a regular trigger and my chief concern in what follows. Therefore I will not be examining such evidence as exists for the psychological traumas of civilians in the ancient world who were exposed to violence, rape, enslavement, or the execution of family members in the context of conquest. My focus is on the soldier. (From Publisher).

Because English marks grammatical relationships primarily through word order, declensions can be confounding to some students. Below I outline a technique I have developed for first-semester Latin. It is easily incorporated into most curricula, takes little time, and can be adapted to various teaching styles. Most importantly, it helps find those students who need additional assistance (even if they've not yet realized it). By stripping vocabulary from the sentences, students are forced to focus on form rather than word meaning. When used to supplement other pedagogical approaches, this technique can reveal that declensions have a purpose which transcends torment. (From Classical World).

Close examination of the text of the « Pro Milone » shows that the speech was published in revised form for political reasons. Cicero sought to identify Milo's experiences with his own personal account of heroic service during the Catilinarian conspiracy. By rhetorically twinning their experiences, Cicero paves the way for a twinned outcome : recall from undeserved exile.

One measure of being a good Roman is how one participates in the social world of « exempla ». The author of the « Bellum Africum » represents the Pompeians as incapable of recognizing the lessons of the past and applying them to improve upon the celebrated history of the Republic, and thus as unfit to lead the Roman state.

Owing to the influence of Athenian democratic ideology, Herodotus' portrait of Sparta's hereditary dyarchy in many respects conforms to the pattern of the tyrant that runs through the « Histories ». The Spartan kingship in Herodotus is not only the antithesis of Athenian constitutional government but also operates as an indicator of political « otherness ». Discussion is centered upon Herodotus 6, 56-60.

During the 5th and 4th cents., Athenian authors' curiosity about their Lacedaemonian rivals led to scrutiny of the Spartans' institutions and practices, including their use of the written word. The Spartans are portrayed as hostile toward the written word or simply illiterate. Epigraphic and literary evidence, however, suggest that the written word played a central role in the operation of the Spartan state, which utilized a variety of documents and required routine acts of literacy. The changing relationship between orality and literacy in Athens may account for these hostile representations of Spartan illiteracy. The written word was both a significant component in Athenian self-definition and a key indicator of cultural and political difference between Athens and Sparta.

The poem is in regular iambics, not in pure iambics, and verse 23 is not corrupt. Opulentissime refers to Crassus. In verse 4 uncti is enriched and confirmed by the metaphors from political propaganda of eating and sexual depravity. In verse 8 aut Adoneus refers to the latter theme.

Comparison of translations of poem 46, which poses characteristic difficulties to the translator.

The external evidence does not preclude the possibility that all of Catullus circulated in one or more rolls organized by the poet. Internal arrangement supports the idea of Catullus' responsibility for the order of the collection.

Within the Terentian corpus the « senes » Simo and Chremes enjoy an extraordinary understanding of the conventions of Roman comedy. While slaves in Plautine comedy exhibit similar knowledge of their genre's conventions, Plautine « senes » do not usually share in this awareness. Despite their unusual generic knowledge, Terence's Simo and Chremes nevertheless misinterpret their slaves. The old men have something else in common : both appear in plays whose prologues feature references to an unnamed opponent of Terence, the « maleuolus uetus poeta ». Terence's presentation of Simo and Chremes parallels his characterization of the « maleuolus uetus poeta » as a « senex » blocking-figure. In contrast, Terence himself emerges as the parallel to the quick-thinking and adaptable slaves, who are the only effective poet-figures of the respective plays. While the association of a slave character with the comic poet is an accepted aspect of Plautine cri

The drunken bully of Juvenal's third satire should be read as an alternative satirical voice within the poem, as is illustrated by means of a comparison with the corpus of Roman satire-in particular Horace 2.1 and Juvenal's first book of satires. The identification of the bully as a satirist does explain some of the bully's odd behavior and also accords with satire's propensity for self-mockery and much of the other metapoetic discussion of the genre's powers and limitations.

Like Artemisia, the woman-man who controverts all assumptions, daring and competent in counsel and on the sea, so Athens, the city noncity, free from human despots and from despotic restraints to deliberation, is both a wonder and a threat to the « normal » world.

Attention to prospective sentences in Herodotus 2, 121, specifically summarization represented by a demonstrative (hode, toiosde, houtos), reveals the structure of the story. Each prospective introduction breaks the continuum, and draws attention to a particular item. Cumulatively these items become conspicuous equivalents in a series. This device equates two seeming moral opposites, king and thief, and paves the way both for their reconciliation and for the exploration of more general moral questions.

In Herodotus, series of narrative or descriptive statements are irregularly interspersed with metanarrative sentences that introduce or conclude the material and represent signs of the narrator organizing his own discourse. Insofar as these interventions summarize the narrative in a certain way, they advertise its significance and provide the directions on how we should read the text. The role of these glosses is exceptionally conspicuous in the story of Cambyses.

In Herodotus' account of the outbreak of the Ionian revolt the notion of freedom plays no role. He stresses, rather, « misfortune » for the Ionians. His narration of the events emphasizes individual agents. While Herodotus largely absolves the Ionians from the moral responsibility of beginning the evils, this comes at a cost : he also strips them of initiative, valor, determination, love of freedom and hatred of tyranny. Herodotus' ambivalent or negative judgments of the Ionians overwhelm his positive ones ; pervasive throughout his narrative is the notion of κακόν. Herodotus' declaration at 5, 97, 3 that the revolt was the « beginning of misfortunes for the Greeks and barbarians » means both less and more than that it led to the Persian Wars. The narrative makes clear that imperialism is its own cause and that the revolt was more a pretext than it was a cause of Persian aggression. The proleptic range of Herodotus' announcement has greater amplitude than t

In his descriptions of foreign societies, Herodotus reports persuasive and historically valid information. This is particularly true of the Persians, for whom Herodotus seems to have had access to very good sources, especially perhaps among Medes and Persians living in Asia Minor. Herodotus' representation of Persian character and customs and his understanding of the relationship between the king and his subjects are based on genuine native traditions that reflect an internal debate within the Persian elites in the aftermath of their war against Greece.

M. Ostwald (=> 59-05900) provides a foundation for examining Herodotus' more restricted use of words with the stem ἀναγκ-. In Herodotus, divine necessity refers to the predictable results of human wrongdoings (7, 140, 2-3) more often than to a force constraining human choices. The analysis of natural ἀνάγκη is more clear-cut : most importantly, Herodotus (unlike Thucydides) never applies ἀνάγκη words to circumstances that motivate imperialistic actions. The only psychological factor to which Herodotus applies ἀνάγκη words is moral obligation (3, 65, 3 ; 7, 104, 4).

1, 21-22 purportedly offers a direct access to the real world, which exposes the apparently mimetic world of the earlier elegies as false by introducing « ungrammatical » elements that disrupt the poems' appearance of mimesis. Their central theme, however, the separation of name from body in the elusive figure(s) of Gallus, denies the link to real people and encourages the reader to read the characters semiotically; the final two elegies suggest that semiosis and mimensis are inseparable components of the characters of the « Monobiblos ».

The polysemous word στρωμνάν superimposes two elements of a layered narrative of Jason's contest for the golden fleece - foundation and marriage - onto Arcesilas IV's athletic victory, and establishes the latter as a founding figure and proper ruler of Cyrene.

Victory memorials - which integrate the evidence of inscriptions and statues set up at Panhellenic sites, Panathenaic amphorae, and commissioned ἐπινίκια - regularly write the charioteer out of the victory altogether, since the charioteer's work « for pay » cannot be reconciled with the ideals of aristocratic competition. But certain exceptional monuments (e.g. Beazley, ABV inv. 671 ; 716 ; ARV2 inv. 1584) that highlight the role of the charioteer may represent competing attempts by the charioteers themselves to commemorate their achievements.

Returning intertextuality to its roots in Bakhtinian linguistics, this study argues that intertextuality, in contrast to allusion, provides a model for articulating the relations between fixed literary texts and informal oral traditions, linking them to larger political concerns and so exposing their mutual responsiveness. As an illustration, the study demonstrates that Pindar’s Olympian 10 and ‘Hero of Temesa’ legend, while not in a relationship of allusion, offered visions of Epizephyrian Locri that responded to each other, and so reveals a complexity to contemporary Locrian society that would be obscured if the oral traditions were not utilized. (From AJPh).

One of Pindar's poetic responses to the commodification of his praise poems was to present them as the gifts of a pederast to his charge. Because this image threatens to raise up the poet's authority at the cost of removing the patron's, Pindar uses a variety of tactics for separating the patron from the role of addressee. Examination of Simonides 22 W2 and the Polycrates Ode, PGM 282, suggests that the use of the pederasty metaphor to disguise the new relations of production in the late archaic period was not Pindar's invention.

Τέχνη, the central ideological problem of N. 4, was a particularly loaded word for an aristocrat, signifying many of the things he despised : commodity exchange, the rise of the baseborn, and the success of those without natural ability. Yet the arts of the poet and of the wrestler were crucial to the celebration of Nemean victory. The connection of Peleus to art (57-58) is thus troubling in that it encourages the audience to interrogate the relationship of the artistocracy to art. While the rest of the ode works to conceal the presense of art in the victory celebration, these problematic lines expose its role.

M. Foucault's treatment of the relationship between truth and desire in ancient Greece (=> 56-11822b) is insufficient because he failed to put Plato's treatment of those themes in the « Symposium » into their proper historical context.

On a des raisons de penser que l'Institution oratoire a été publiée non pas avant la mort de Domitien (96 ap. J.C.), mais dans les années 97-98. Rien ne prouve en effet que l'éloge de l'empereur contenu dans l'Epistula ad Tryphonem ait été inspiré par la courtisanerie. Il semble en fait que Quintilien ait éprouvé à l'égard de Domitien une estime sincère et qu'il soit resté fidèle à sa mémoire.

Silius' praise of Domitian in the Punica (III,607-629,XIV,686-688) is sincere and resembles the Augustan poet's praise of Augustus. His continuing respect for the dead Domitian, not his earlier appearances as a delator during Nero's reign, explains the hostility expressed toward him in Pliny's letters.

Philosophers such as Xenophanes and Heraclitus disapprove of Hesiod because he attributes such immoral actions to the gods. Plato shares that opinion in Rep. 377-378, but in other passages he praises the poet as an artist and teacher. Poets such as Bacchylides and Aristophanes approve of Hesiod. Several Aristophanic heroes are Hesiodic types, personifying the virtues extolled in Works and days.

Although there is evidence for a decline in eloquence during the late 1st and early 2nd cent. A.D., declamation was recognized as an important educational tool for orators.

Juvenal pictures Statius in VII,79-87, as selling his poetry to an actor to fend off poverty, when in fact Statius is known to have been financially prosperous. Juvenal's envy apparently led him to attempt to belittle his rival.

Examination of the oratorical abilities of the emperors under whom Pliny practiced law.

An examination of the reasons for Pliny's hostility to Domitian after the death of the emperor. A major factor may be his guilt at having prospered under the rule of an emperor he considered a capricious tyrant.

Quintilian's comments on contemporary orators are evidence of the high quality of oratory, rather than its decline, during the 1st cent. A.D.

The classical figure of Heracles was a conflation of two originally separate local heroes, a Peloponnesian and a Boeotian. He was probably originally mortal, though his name may have first been a title applied to the autochthonous deity who was Hera's consort, later supplanted by the Indo-European Zeus. His divine nature as an Olympian was probably accepted before the 6th cent., and may derive from the notion that the Mycenaean king was a god incarnate.

Apparent difficulties in reconciling the two accounts of Prometheus in Hesiod can be resolved by understanding Hesiod's technique of compression and his different purposes in the two poems.

Text and discussion of P. Oxy. Inv. 8 189/E (1-3) (a), fragment of a codex of the 3rd cent. A.D. containing glosses for Iliad i, 4-18.

Investigation of the question of the relation between mortal and immortal time in the « Iliad » as it is represented by the physical act of falling. Falling serves as a point of reference throughout the poem for a concept of time that is specifically human. Mortals fall at the moment of death, but the movement of the fall is also connected with the time of birth, aging, and generation. The problematic case of two particular immortals who fall in the « Iliad » may be examined in light of the significance of falling for mortals. When Hephaestus tumbles to earth from Olympus (1, 590-594), and when Ares is knocked flat on the battlefield (21, 403-409), both gods also « fall into » human time. This complicates their status as ageless and eternal beings, and draws into question the different temporal registers at work in the narrative, such as repetition, « long time », and time that is steady or continuous (ἔμπεδος).

This article draws attention to the thematics of running in Homer, seeking to make sense of the difference between catching up and overtaking as it applies to the two epics. It begins by exploring how the Iliad foregrounds the problems and strategies involved in catching up with one's opponent and getting ahead. It then goes on to show how, by contrast, the Odyssey presents a world where the act of overtaking and the alternation between the categories of first and last are of central concern to Odysseus on his way home in Books 8 and 9. (From AJPh).

In Herodotus 4, 98 Darius gives to the Ionians a leather strap with 60 knots on it, with orders that one knot should be untied each day for as long as he is gone. Because the incident sets Egyptian and Scythian practices of measuring and marking at odds with one another, it takes on a symbolic and as yet unrecognized force within Herodotus's work. Darius sets up the knotted cord as a counting device that resembles an Egyptian system of measurement (the « skoinos »), but he manifestly fails to comprehend the meaning of his cord in the context of Scythia. By understanding how the mention of knots and cords on the eve of Darius's invasion picks up on larger themes at work in the « Histories », we can see that the knotted rope of 4, 98 functions as a sign of Darius's misguided approach to conquest and empire through the principles of enumeration, quantification, and measurement.

The importance of the border between land and sea in Greek thought is illustrated in Homer by considering what it means for Odysseus to walk so far inland that he meets people who have no knowledge of ships (11, 121-131 ; 23, 267-277). When he leaves the orienting border of the sea behind, Odysseus enters a terrain where he becomes completely lost for the first time. The turning of both Odysseus and the Odyssean poet inland looks not only to the end of the poem, but also to the end of epic and the Homeric tradition.

Synaesthesia and the Ancient Senses presents a radical reappraisal of antiquity's textures, flavours, and aromas, sounds and sights. It offers both a fresh look at society in the ancient world and an opportunity to deepen the reading of classical literature. The book will appeal to readers in classical society and literature, philosophy and cultural history. All Greek and Latin is translated and technical matters are explained for the non-specialist. The introduction sets the ancient senses within the history of aesthetics and the subsequent essays explore the senses throughout the classical period and on to the modern reception of classical literature. (From Amazon).

Although « Middle Comedy » may best serve as a chronological label, the remains of pre-Menandrian, 4th-cent. comic productions suggest that certain characteristics were more dominant at this time than in earlier or later periods. The possible sources for these characteristics are wide-ranging, but available evidence indicates that 5th-cent. satyr drama was one of the most important. Not only do fragments, titles, and plots reveal a significant generic relationship, but Aristotle (EN 4, 6, 1128 A 22-25) even seems to link their comic mode.

Fr. 30 of Archestratus' « Hedypatheia » employs metaphorical language and puns to express an amusing and surprisingly graphic sexual joke. Archestratus positions innocuous but obscene-sounding words in close proximity, thus communicating the passage's implicit obscenity. He directs his audience to « buy the shitcock in Thasos, unless it is bigger than your butt ». In other words, Archestratus humorously recommends paying for anal sex but only if the paid-for penis is not too large for the customer's anus.

The Ad Herennium III,21 advises that the words iam domum itionem reges may be remembered by picturing Domitius being whipped by the Marcii Reges. By dropping in pronunciation the -um and -em of the phrase, the reader produces (iam) dom' ition' reges, Domitius (being flogged by the) Reges. Official metrical theory demands that the -em be sounded, but by Virgil's time a vowel-plus-m ending was silent before a word beginning with a vowel.

Brief description and notes on Oxy. Inv. Parcel 29, Box 4B44C (1-3)a, dated in the 2nd cent. A.D.

Brief description, translation and notes on P. Hib. 129, an acknowledgement of a loan, dated 247-246 B.C., and P. Hib. 139, a receipt for beer tax, dated ca. 246 B.C.

Description, text, translation and notes on P. Fay. 176 of the 2nd or 3rd cent. A.D., a custom's receipt, and P. Oxy. 811 of ca. 2 B.C., a letter.

Virgil's clever association of his characters with characters in the Alcestis myth, an association suggested in part by the allusion to Catullus 66, calls into doubt the success of at least one aspect of Aeneas' mission to the underworld.

However multivalent « libertas » may be in a single author such as Vergil or Ovid, there seems to be a general difference between the notion of freedom in Vergil and the way it is handled in Ovid. Ovid's treatment of the theme of « libertas » is more cavalier than Vergil's, reflecting wittingly or unwittingly a view of the Augustan settlement that is perhaps less than wholly appreciative of Augustus' redefinition of Roman values.

Le dialogue de Jupiter et de Vénus (Met. 15, 765 et suiv.) comporte de nombreuses références à l'Iliade et à l'Énéide, mais les éléments épiques sont réactualisés et adaptés par Ovide à la réalité de son temps.

Three components of the text of Heroides – intertextualized myth, psychological fantasy, and the conflation of generic variants – work together to draw the reader into the experience of the text by the very artificiality that would seemingly conflict with the spontaneity of fantasy. Conflict and synthesis exist between epistle and elegy, Romanized fantasy and ancient myth, reader and recipient, and heroine and Ovid.

Die Recusatio in Carm. 1, 6, 1-12, die dem alexandrinischen Dichtungsideal verpflichtet ist, nimmt Bezug auf Vergil, Ecl. 6, 3-9. Horaz macht damit, ähnlich wie in Carm. 1, 3, seine Affinität zum Frühwerk Vergils deutlich.

Though Marcus Antonius gave Bacchus a bad name by adopting him as his personal deity (Plutarch, Ant. 6), by the time Vergil wrote Aen. 6 the wine god appropriately accorded with the nascent Augustan regime. Bacchus provides a positive exemplar for Augustus because he has undergone redefinition at several junctures in Vergil's work, and in particular the social setting that closes G. 2. This communal setting anticipates the civilized society of the opening of G. 3. The shift between the two books of the poem reflects the transformative power of « uinum », the substance that brings rural to urban, and « rusticitas » to « ciuitas ».

Zur Anspielung auf Vergil Aen. X,475.

Mit O. 14 schrieb Pindar eine ganz seiner Heimat Boeotien verpflichtete Ode ; das Lokalkolorit erreichte er nicht nur durch die mit dem boeotischen Sieger verbundenen Angaben, sondern vor allem durch Anspielungen auf die Theogonie seines Landsmannes Hesiod.

The difference between the use of νέος in the Suppliant Women and in other plays is statistically significant. This word helps Euripides contrast two different kinds of youth, the fearful, rash and animalistic (Theban), and the youth which has been properly schooled and led (Athenian). The greatest reason in the Suppliant Women for praising Athens is her treatment of the young as a politically valuable force.

Étude statistique fondée sur une comparaison avec le style de Virgile.

Admetus' stance in the debate with his father does not expose him to the ridicule of the audience but rather elicits for him its sympathy and approval. The play as a whole provides a stumbling block for P. Slater's view (cf. APh XL p. 654) of the Greek family as the venue of intersexual strife.

The appearance of the Dioscuri at the end of the Electra soothes the psychic disturbance which results from the murder of Clytemnestra in those who planned and executed the crime and returns them from their profound shock to the real world. They provide Orestes, Electra and the chorus each with virtue in their own terms, while disposing their fates justly in conformity with a higher order of reality.

In its representation of reality the poem functions as a simulacrum in the technical sense, presenting word pictures or images of the real world that enter the mind of the reader and are susceptible to evaluation in the same way as the actual simulacrum given off by material objects. An example of the presentation of Venus in the first proemium serves to illustrate Lucretius' method.

Seneca addressed two consolations to women. In these works Seneca makes a point of offering behavioral models whose gender matches that of his addressees. His female illustrations of « uirtus » challenge the usual constructions of both exemplarity and gender, each of which relies on simple contrast : a person can act in either a masculine or a feminine way, with history offering both examples to imitate and models to avoid. Since « uirtus » was identified by etymology and anecdote as a masculine quality and was associated with martial and civic endeavors, we would expect most positive exemplars to be men ; but in fact a number of women appear as exemplars of virtue in Seneca and his predecessors. Seneca rejects the rhetorical and cultural expectation that women are suited to model lack of self-control and other bad behavior, while reinforcing the notion that virtuous Romans do not upset the social order by grieving extra

Cicero's argument in Fam. 4.6 employs an exemplum to justify his grief, but leaves unstated the imperative that a bereaved father appear in public, impassively performing civic duties. Recovering the cultural context that partially vindicates Cicero's response to his complex loss also reveals more clearly the biases of his argument.

The practice of epistolography reflects the fact that competition for prestige was pervasive in Roman culture. Even Ciceronian letters of consolation are shaped by emulation and evaluation. The challenges to a consolatory letter's addressee to meet a certain standard of behavior, and specifically to emulate the letter's author, were answered and challenged in turn (in, e.g., fam. 4, 3 ; 4, 5 ; 5, 14 ; 5, 16 ; and 7, 31).

Catullus chose the name for both its sublime and lewd connotations.

Critique of B. Snell's portrayal of Homerie man (cf. APh XXIV p. 539, 1er et 2e titres).

Iuvabit in Aen. I,203 carries a two-fold meaning of present suffering and future pleasure.

The passage's power to move resides in its being a quiet, realistic counterpoint to the rest of the poem.

τῷ at 539 and 540 does not need to be emended. Prometheus does not, as a benefactor of mankind, give men a larger portion, but he mischievously breaks the pattern of equality between gods and men.